A Profile of Extremist Movements in America
Recognize & Respond

Hate Crimes Resource Manual

FOURTH EDITION ­ November 1999

A Profile of Extremist Movements in America
Recognize &
Respond
Hate Crimes Resource Manual

Sandra D. Leek, Past Executive Director
Editor­ in­ Chief

Writers

Martha Kenley, Supervising Attorney
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Rebecca Dulin, Executive Assistant
Bruce Jefferson, Deputy Director

Layout and Design

Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Michael Stone, Consultant
Burnetta Sloss­ Tanner, PEO Director

Graphics

Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Michael Stone, Consultant
Joseph Smith, Consultant

Research

Martha Kenley, Supervising Attorney
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Rebecca Dulin, Executive Assistant
Bruce Jefferson, Deputy Director
Barbara Dobbins, Administrative Assistant
Bradford Shockney, Investigator

Cover Design

Michael Stone, Consultant
Joseph Smith, Consultant
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Burnetta Sloss­ Tanner, PEO Director

Printing Central Printing Group

Publisher INDIANA CIVIL RIGHTS COMMISSION
100 N. Senate Avenue, Room N103
Indianapolis, Indiana 46204
Office: (317) 232­ 2600
Toll Free: (800) 628­ 2909
Hearing Impaired: (800) 743­ 3333
Fax: (317) 232­ 6580
Web Site: http:// www. state. in. us/icrc

Preface

Over the last decade, there has been a growing concern about hate crimes occurring nationwide and in Indiana. On a national level, the "Hate Crimes Statistics Act of 1990" (HCSA) was passed by Congress to assess and quantify hate crimes committed against individuals or groups based on their race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity. In 1994, Congress added disability as a class in the HCSA for data collection purposes. The HCSA requires the Federal Bureau of Investigation to collect hate crimes data as part of its permanent uniform crime ­ reporting network based on voluntary reporting of hate crimes by state and local law enforcement agencies. The Indiana Civil Rights Commission (ICRC) has maintained a hate crimes reporting network in the State of Indiana. The purpose of the network is to encourage Indiana law enforcement to comply with the HCSA. A summary of the network's findings is presented in the "Hate Crimes in Indiana" section of this manual.

The ICRC recognizes that while legislators and opponents of hate crimes share a concern about the seriousness and prevalence of hate crimes, there is an ongoing debate about the proper response. Advocates of hate crime legislation contend that it is appropriate because it is consistent with an already existing national policy that prohibits bias­ motivated actions against protected classes. Further, advocates contend that hate crimes harm entire communities, and leave whole groups of people feeling isolated, vulnerable and unprotected by the law. Those critical of hate crime legislation believe
that these laws have a chilling effect on free speech and are laden with other constitutional concerns.

This manual does not attempt to resolve this debate. It is also by no means meant to be an exhaustive representation of the problem or its solutions. This manual was compiled as an analysis of existing research on hate crimes. It provides information, ideas and resources for an in­ depth study of bias crimes and incidents in America. Indication is made throughout the manual where reproductions of, or excerpts from other published materials is presented. Any further reproductions should be made
only with the permission of the originating sources noted in the resource section of this manual. The ICRC disclaims any and all responsibility or liability which may be asserted or claimed arising from or claimed to have arisen from reliance upon the procedures and information presented in this manual.

This manual is divided into three sections. The first, "Recognize," defines hate crimes, the nature and extent of the problem, potential trouble dates, common characteristics of offenders, and identifies specific extremist groups. The next section, "Respond,"provides information about what legislative bodies, communities and individuals have done or can do to counteract the effect of hate­ crimes. The final section, "Resources," contains a glossary of terms commonly used by and about extremist groups and provides contact information for communities, victims, and all those who are interested in eradicating this problem.

Letter from Sandra D. Leek, Executive Director Indiana Civil Rights Commission, ICRC Director 1994-2005

Dear Concerned Citizens:

As you know, hate crimes are disturbing occurrences. They are manifestations of bigotry and intolerance that harm not
only individuals, but entire communities. That is why as the Executive Director of the Indiana Civil Rights Commission
(ICRC), I am pleased to present the information on hate crimes contained in this resource manual.

The mission of the ICRC is to ensure equal opportunity for all citizens and visitors to our state. The ICRC staff observed
that elements of hate were increasingly uncovered during the investigation of civil rights complaints. The ICRC Hate
Crimes Task Force was formed to address these concerns. The Task Force established and maintains a statewide hate
crimes reporting network; it conducts public education and outreach activities, including an annual hate crimes
conference; and, it has researched and compiled four editions of this resource manual. I wish to express my sincere
appreciation for the dedication and work of the members of the ICRC Hate Crimes Task Force. This manual represents
our desire to educate and empower Hoosiers to assist us in fulfilling our mission.

Hoosier communities are growing more diverse. The most visible newcomers to our state are the Latino, Muslim and
Asian peoples. The challenge we now face is to continue to the struggle against the enemies of equality, and to expand
our work to effectively meet the needs of our new populations.

All readers of this manual are asked to look beyond separatist and extremist ideologies that divide, and to reach out for
unity among our diverse communities. The First Amendment protects thoughts and peaceable forms of expression. It
does not protect violent actions that violate the rights of individuals and groups of people.

It is my hope that increased awareness through education will lead to greater understanding and tolerance among Indiana
citizens.

Sincerely,
Sandra D. Leek
Executive Directory

"Morality cannot be legislated, but behavior can be regulated."M. L. King, Jr.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface ii
Letter from Executive Director Sandra D. Leek iv

Section I: RECOGNIZE

A. Hate Crimes Overview
1. Definition of a Hate Crime 1
2. Overview of Hate Crimes in America 1
3. Characteristics of Violent Offenders 2
4. Hate Crimes Offender Types 4
5. Potential Trouble Dates: Extremist Group Calendar 5
B. Targeted Groups
1. Arabs as Targets 6
2. Jews as Targets 7
3. Hispanics as Targets 9
4. Amish as Targets 11
5. Religious Institutions as Targets 12
C. Youth
1. Youth and Hate Crimes 15
2. Hate Crimes in Indiana Educational Institutions 17
D. Hate in Indiana
1. Hate Crimes in Indiana 17
2. Klan in Indiana 21
Active Groups in Indiana 21
E. Profiles of Extremist Groups
1. Extremist Groups in America 23
2. Organizations in the Midwest 24
3. Christian Identity Movement Philosophy 28
4. The Turner Diaries 29
5. The National Alliance 31
6. The Militia Movement: The New Klan? 32 7.

Section II: RESPOND

A. Legislative Responses
1. State Legislation 38
2. Federal Initiatives 38
B. Individual Responses

1. What You Should Do if You are a Victim of a Hate Crime 42
2. Twelve Techniques for Citizens to Assist Healing Racial Intolerance
C. Community Responses
1. Best Practices in Indiana: Learning Tolerance and Nonviolence 46
2. Responding to Extremist Groups 47
3. Building a Community­ Based Coalition 48
4. Elements of Effective School­ Based Hate Prevention Programs 52
5. Ten Ways Communities Fight Hate 54

Section III: RESOURCES

A. Terms, Language and Symbols of Hate
1. Annotated Glossary of Terms 67
2. Lexicon of Hate 71
3. Symbols of Hate 72
B. National Resources
1. Monitoring Organizations 73
2. Victim Assistance Organizations 75
3. Community Assistance Organizations 76
4. Regional Organizations 77
5. Anti­ Bias and Diversity Workshops 77
6. Publications 78
C. Indiana Resources
1. Indiana Civil Rights Commission Hate Crimes Task Force 80
2. Requesting Assistance by County in Indiana 81
3. Indiana Consortium of State and Local Human Rights Agencies 88
4. Hate Crime Incident Report Form 99 8.


Section I: RECOGNIZE

A. Hate Crimes Overview

Definition of a Hate Crime

For purposes of data collection, the FBI defines a hate crime as: "a criminal offense committed against a person or property which is motivated, in whole or in part, by the offender's bias against the victim's race, religion, disability, ethnic origin, national origin, or sexual­ orientation." 1 Even if the offender was mistaken in his/ her perception that the victim was a member of the group, the offense is still considered a hate crime because the offender was motivated by bias against the person or group.

Overview of Hate Crimes in America

National research indicates that crimes motivated by bias are more violent than crimes
without bias as a motivating factor. While assaults compromise only 11% of all crimes
committed, assaults constitute 31% of hate crimes. 2 Hate crime assaults tend to be more
severe, and may involve verbal threats, and/ or severe physical violence. In addition, hate
crimes may involve the use of explosives, arson, weapons, and vandalism.

Unidentified strangers, not organized groups, commit most hate crimes. Among the known perpetrators, 65% of those committing the acts are teenagers or young adults. Of these perpetrators, 63% are white, and 27% are black.

Eight out of every ten reported hate crimes are against individuals. Hate crimes cause more emotional harm to the victims. Victims of hate crimes have been found to experience two and one half times more negative psychological symptoms, due in part to the unprovoked nature of attack and potential for future attack. Victims may experience more severe grief because they perceive a loss of their sense of community, or feelings of betrayal by the American system.

There are higher victimization rates for some groups. For example, gay men are 400 times more likely to become a victim of a hate crime than individuals associated with any other group. 3 In many instances, victims experience multiple attacks before deciding to report.

Hate crimes have the potential to ignite community disorder. Hate crimes can trigger large community­ wide racial conflict, civil disturbances, and even riots. The disturbances can cause short­ term social and economic consequences including property damage and loss; injury; and death. Hate crimes can also cause long­ term social and economic consequences
such as a permanent decline in property value; lower tax revenues; scarcity of funds for rebuilding; and increased insurance rates.

1 "Hate Crime Data Collection Guidelines," U. S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Criminal Justice Information Services Division, Clarksburg, W. V., 1996, p. 4­ 5. 2 "Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3. 3 "Research Results on Hate Crimes," U. S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Criminal Justice
Information Services Division, Clarksburg, W. V., 1996, loose leaf. 10.

Characteristics of Violent Offenders 4

4 Taken from Hate Crime Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division of the
FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 11.

The prediction of danger in law enforcement settings has long been a topic of interest,
especially for those who must make arrests, conduct threat assessments, are hostage
negotiators, and who preside over parole decisions. A number of factors have been identified
by researchers as risk indicators for future violence. They include past violence, substance
abuse, mental disorders, brain damage, and a history of witnessing violence in the home. While
these risk indicators are well known to many, there has been no systematic method of
combining all that is known about risk indicators into an off­ the­ shelf, user friendly model that
can be applied to individual cases.

The following checklist was developed by Supervisory Special Agent (SSA) Alan C.
Brantley of the Critical Incident Response Group's Investigative Support Unit, FBI Academy,
Quantico, Virginia. It is intended to serve as a guide when conducting assessments of subjects
suspected or known to be dangerous. The items included on the checklist were selected
primarily on the basis of both law enforcement and mental health experience with violent
offenders.

Anger/ low frustration tolerance ­ reacts to stress in self­ defeating ways, unable to
effectively cope with anxiety, acts out when frustrated. Frustration leads to aggression.

Impulsive ­ is quick to act, wants immediate gratification, has poor judgment, has
limited or impaired cognitive filtering (A­C vs. A­B­C).

Emotional liability/ depression ­ quick­ tempered, short­ fused, hotheaded, "flick" rapid
mood swings, mood, sullen, irritable, and humorless.

Childhood abuse ­ sexual and physical abuse, maternal or paternal deprivation,
rejection, abandonment, exposure to violent role models in the home.

Loner ­ is isolated and withdrawn, has poor interpersonal relations, has no empathy for
other, lacks feeling of guilt and remorse.

Overly sensitive ­ hypersensitive to criticism and real or perceived slights, suspicious,
fearful, distrustful, and paranoid.

Altered consciousness ­ sees red, "blanking,"blackouts, derealization or
depersonalization (" it's like I wasn't there; it was me but not me"), impaired reality
testing, hallucinations.

Threats of violence ­ toward self and/ or others direct, veiled, implied, conditional.
Blames others ­ projects blame onto others, fatalistic, external locus of control, avoids
personal responsibility for behavior views self as "victim" vs. " victimizer," self­ centered,
sense of entitlement.

Chemical abuse ­ especially alcohol, opiates, amphetamines, crack, and hallucinogenic
(PCP, LSD), and angry drunk, dramatic personality/ mood changes when under the
influence.

Mental health problems requiring in­ patient hospitalization ­ especially with arrest
history for any offenses prior to hospitalization.

History of violence ­ towards self and others, actual physical force used to injure,
harm, or damage.

Odd/ bizarre beliefs ­ superstitious, magical thinking, religiosity, sexuality, violent
fantasies (especially when violence is eroticized), delusions.

Physical problems ­ congenital defects, severe acne, scars, stuttering, any of which
may contribute to poor self­ image, lack of self­ esteem, and isolation. History of head
trauma brain damage/ neurological problems.

Preoccupations with violent themes ­ movies, books, TV, newspaper articles,
magazines (detective), music, weapons collections, guns, knives, implements of torture,
S & M, Nazi paraphernalia.

Pathological triad/ school problems ­ fire setting, enuresis, cruelty to animals, fighting,
truancy, temper tantrums, inability to get along with others, rejection of authority

.

Hates Crimes Offender Types 5

5 "Hate Crimes: The Rising Tide of Bigotry and Bloodshed", Jack Levin and Jack McDevitt, Plenum Press, New York, 1993.

Potential Trouble Dates: Extremist Group Calendar 6

6 Simon Wiesenthal Center republished (1997) from Klanwatch Intelligence Report ­ February, 1992

TARGETED GROUPS

Arabs as Targets

The problem of anti­ Arab discrimination is compounded by the rampant stereotypes of Arabs in the U. S. media. Negative images of Arabs and, by association, Arab Americans, are pervasive in broadcast and print outlets which capitalize on the
tired cliches of Arabs as ruthless terrorists oil­ rich "sheikhs," desert Bedouins, greasy merchants, and so forth. At the same time, there is almost a total absence of positive images of Arabs as loving parents, competent professionals, or conscientious citizens. Arabs are typically portrayed as a threat or an object of mockery, while the Arab world is
presented without complexity or subtlety. There has been no "Dances with Wolves" for the Arab world. No "Fiddler on the Roof" for traditional Arab village life. No "Cry Freedom" for the Intifada.

The effect of media images on popular perception cannot be dismissed as mere
entertainment. Indeed, there is a link between the media's anti­ Arab spin on an event
and the ensuing violence and discrimination directed at Arab Americans. A case in point
is the aftermath of the Oklahoma City bombing, when the media rushed to point blame at
Arabs in the absence of evidence. As a result, more than 200 hate crimes were
committed against Arab Americans and Muslims in the few days when speculations
were flying on news outlets. (A Rush to Judgment, Council on American­ Islamic
Relations, 1995)

Dr. Jack Shaheen, author of The TV Arab (Ohio: Bowling Green State University
Popular Press, 1984) and the foremost authority on media stereotypes, identified the
following myths perpetrated by the media about Arabs and Muslims:

Media Myth 1: Islam is a monolithic religion and all Muslims are radical and violent. Islam is seen as a "non­ Western" religion, rather than a branch of a common Judeo­ Christian­ Muslim tradition. There is a tendency among some intellectuals and policy­ makers to regard Islam as the new, post­ Cold War "enemy." Sadly, this perception of enmity with Arabs and Muslims helps create a climate in which anti­ Arab discrimination can flourish.

Media Myth 2: All Muslims are Arabs. In fact, Islam has adherents from every racial and ethnic group. Only about 12 percent of Muslims are Arabs. Most Muslims are neither Arab nor Persian, but Indonesian, Indian or Malaysian.

Media Myth 3: All Arabs are Muslim. While the majority of Arabs are Muslims, about 15 million of them are Christians ­ ranging from Eastern Orthodox to Episcopalians to

Roman Catholics.

Media Myth 4: All Middle Easterners are Arabs. Many Americans wrongly assume that Iranians and Turks are Arabs as well.
_______________

7 "1996­ 1997 Report on Hate Crimes & Discrimination Against Arab­ Americans,"American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination
Committee, pp. 38­ 39. For additional information, please refer to American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination
Committee contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 15.

Throughout this century, the media has typically portrayed Arabs as one of the 3 B's billionaires, bombers or belly dancers. The "typical" Arab male is portrayed as a terrorist or an oil sheikh bent on violence, greed and abuse. Another popular image is that of the Arab woman as oppressed, veiled and submissive or, to the other extreme, as a loose belly dancer.

In his latest publication, Arab and Muslim Stereotyping in American Popular Culture (Georgetown University: Center for Muslim­ Christian Understanding, 1997), Dr. Shaheen presents an in­ depth look at the portrayal of Arabs and Muslims in the entertainment and news media. Dr. Shaheen, who has monitored the media for 20 years, estimates that 25 to 30 movies vilifying Arabs and Muslims air on television networks and cable shows every week. These are just the re­ runs. New shows that perpetuate Arab stereotypes are being produced regularly. In addition, he found that at least one cartoon a week is
aired on television that includes stereotypical images of "evil" Arabs. Shaheen has also documented over 900 motion pictures with anti­ Arab biases since the start of the commercial film industry in 1893.

In short, Arab stereotypes are pervasive in American popular culture despite the recent trend toward greater multicultural representation. In the 1997­ 98 television season, about one third of all prime time programs feature minority characters including Latinos, Asian­ Americans, African­ Americans and gays. Not one Arab American character has yet appeared. While most ethnic groups can see positive representations of themselves on television, Arab Americans cannot. The prevalence of negative media images make the Arab­ American community particularly vulnerable to hate crimes and

discrimination.

Jews as Targets

Of attacks upon individuals or institutions because of their religion, the overwhelming majority ­ 82% of such crimes reported by the FBI for 1995 ­ were directed against Jews.

As with attacks upon African­ Americans, hate crimes against Jews draw upon centuries of such assaults, from the pogroms of Eastern Europe to the Nazi Holocaust to the cross burning of the Ku Klux Klan in this country. Hate crimes against Jews in the United States range from physical assaults upon individuals to desecration of synagogues and cemeteries and the painting of swastikas on private homes. As with hateful acts upon other minorities, the pain is increased by arousing feelings of vulnerability and memories of persecution, even extermination, in other countries and in other times.

Hatred against Jews is fed by slanders and stereotypes that have their origins in Europe extending back for centuries. These range far beyond the view that Jews were " Christ­ killers" and include conspiracy theories involving " international bankers," the
State of Israel, and groups ranging from communists to freemasons. Such views are spread by groups on the political right as well as on the left who find little basis for agreement except for their anti­ Semitism. As in the past, these extremists have tried to exploit the hardships of Americans from unemployed industrial workers to hard pressed farmers. Similarly, extremists associated with some black nationalist groups have promoted anti­ Semitic conspiracy theories within the black community, exploiting the pain of poverty and discrimination and exacerbating tensions between African­ Americans and Jews. In a private survey of anti­ Semitic incidents (it is important to note that this survey includes hateful speech as well as hate crimes) reported to the ADL in 1995, the group found 1, 843 acts against property or persons. This included 1,116 incidents of harassment and 727 incidents of vandalism.

_______________

Cause for Concern: Hate Crimes in America, "the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the
Leadership Conference Education Fund, January 1997, pp. 9 ­ 10. For additional information, please refer
to LCCR and LCEF contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 16.
_______________

Crimes against Jews included:

On July 16, 1995, in Cincinnati, Ohio, a group of youths assaulted the son of a community rabbi, chasing him for about a block before they caught him outside the synagogue and beat him until he collapsed on the street. The next day, the group
assaulted a 58­ year­ old recent immigrant from Russia in his own driveway. A group of five young men, aged 15 to 18, was arrested and convicted for the assaults. At the sentencing, the judge asked one of the young men, Brian Scherrer, why he had
committed the crimes. He explained the attacks were part of a gang initiation and that one victim was chosen because " he was Jewish."

On August 19, 1991, a traffic accident in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, New York, (a community with a long history of racial and religious animosity among African­ Americans, Hasidic Jews, and Caribbean nationals) resulted in the tragic death of
seven­ year old African­ American Gavin Cato and injury to his cousin, Angela. The driver of the car was part of Grand Rebbe Menachem M. Schneerson's motorcade. The Grand Rebbe was a religious leader of Lubavitch Hasidic Jews. A riot followed
over three days during which crowds roamed the streets yelling " Get the Jews" and " Heil Hitler." Jewish­ owned homes, cars and other property were attacked. Yankel Rosenbaum, an Australian scholar, was stopped by a gang of twenty youngsters
who yelled " Get the Jew." Rosenbaum was assaulted, held down, stabbed, and left bleeding on a car hood. He died.

In Phoenix, Arizona, crime of vandalism erupted. A Maltese Cross, SS lightning bolts, " Dirty Jews go to Auschwitz," " Sieg Heil," and a swastika were spray painted on the Temple Beth El Congregation.

Freddy's Fashion Mart was a Jewish­ owned store in Harlem, New York, that rented space from a black church and sublet some of that space to a black­ owned record store. The land lord and owner of Freddy's wanted the Fashion Mart to expand. The owner of the record store did not want to move and a protest of Freddy's was begun. Some people on the picket line, and their supporters, regularly engaged in anti­ Semitic rhetoric. On December 8, 1995, Roland Smith, one of the protesters,
entered the store with a gun and lighter fluid. He doused the store and set it on fire. Eight people ­ including Smith died. Although none were Jewish, anti­ Semitism strife was an underlying factor."

Hispanics as Targets

Of 814 hate crimes in 1995 that were motivated by bias based on ethnicity or national origin, 63. 3% ­516 in all ­ were directed against Hispanics.

In California and throughout the Southwest, long­ existing antagonisms against Hispanics have been aggravated by the furor over immigration. With job opportunities declining at a time of defense cutbacks and economic recession, there have been
renewed calls for restrictions against legal immigration and harsh measures against undocumented immigrants. In November, 1994, 59% of California voters approved a statewide referendum proposal, Proposition 187, which declares undocumented
immigrants ineligible for most public services, including public education and non­ emergency health care.

As with attacks upon African­ Americans and Jews, attacks upon Hispanics are part of a history of hatred. In California and throughout the Southwest, there have been recurring periods of " nativism," when not only newcomers but also longtime U. S. citizens of Mexican descent have been blamed for social and economic problems. During the Depression of the 1930s, citizens and non­ citizens of Mexican descent were the targets of mass deportations, with a half million " dumped" across the border in Mexico. In the early 1950s, a paramilitary effort, with the degrading name " Operation Wetback," deported tens of thousands of Mexicans from California and several other southwestern states.

The historian Juan Ramon Garcia describes the climate of fear and hatred that existed from the 1930s through the ­50s: " The image of the mysterious, sneaky, faceless "illegal" was once again stamped into the minds of many. Once this was accomplished, 'illegal's' became something less than human, with their arbitrary removal being that much easier to justify and accomplish."

While undocumented immigrants and their impact on public services is a legitimate concern, much of the recent debate has echoed the nativist rhetoric of earlier eras. For instance, Ruth Coffey, the founder of Stop Immigration Now, told the Los
Angeles Times: " I have no intention of being the object of 'conquest, ' peaceful or otherwise, by Latinos, Asians, Blacks, Arabs, or any other group of individuals who have claimed my country."

Glenn Spencer, president of Voices of Citizens Together, which collected 40,000 signatures to qualify Proposition 187 for the ballot, said: " We have to take direct and immediate action to preserve this culture and this nation we have spent two centuries
building it up."

During the emotionally charged debate over Proposition 187, hate speech and violent acts against Latinos increased dramatically. And, in the aftermath of the approval of 187, civil rights violations against Latinos went on the upswing, with most of the cases involving United States citizens or permanent legal residents. All in all, in the Los Angeles metropolitan area alone, the County Human Relations Commission documented an 11.9% increase in hate crimes against Latinos in 1994.

9 " Cause for Concern: Hate Crimes in America," the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the
Leadership Conference Education Fund, January 1997, pp. 10 ­ 11. For additional information, please
refer to LCCR and LCEF contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 18.

On November 12, 1994, Graziella Fuentes (54) was taking her daily one mile walk through the suburban San Fernando Valley, when eight young males 14 to 17 years old shouted at her that now that Proposition 187 has passed, she should go back to Mexico. After calling her " wetback" and other names, they threw rocks at her hitting her on the head and back.

Bigotry and hate crimes against Hispanics are not confined to California and the Southwest. From the Midwest, to the Northeast, to Florida, Mexican­ Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban­ Americans, and immigrants from other countries in Central and South America have been the targets of harassment and violence.

Here are several examples of hate crimes against Hispanics over the years:
In the summer of 1995, Allen Adams and Tad Page were sentenced to 88 and 70 months, respectively, for their roles in the ethnically motivated shooting of four Latinos in Livermore, Maine. Three of the shooting victims were migrant laborers
working in an egg farm, while the fourth was visiting his ailing mother, a migrant worker. The incident began at a store, where the victims were trying to make a purchase. Adams and Page, who were also at the store, taunted the victims with
ethnic epithets, telling them: "Go back to Mexico or [we'll] send you there in a body bag." After the victims drove away from the store, Adams and Page chased them by car, firing 11 rounds from a nine­ millimeter handgun at the victims'
automobile. One victim was shot in the arm, while another bullet hit the driver's headrest, just a few centimeters from the driver.

On June 11, 1995, arsonists burned down the home of a Latino family in the Antelope Valley, California, city of Palmdale. They spray­ painted these messages on the walls: "White Power" and "your family dies."

A Hispanic man at a camp for homeless migrant workers in Alpine, California, was beaten with baseball bats by six white men in October, 1992. The assailants later reportedly bragged about " kicking Mexican ass."

While not the focus of this report there have been well­ publicized reports of severe police beatings of Hispanics suspected of being undocumented immigrants.

In April 1996, two Riverside County, California sheriff's deputies were videotaped beating two suspected undocumented Mexican immigrants. The man and woman were continuously struck with batons and the woman was pulled to the ground by her hair.

Bobbi Murray, an official with the Coalition for Human immigrants' Rights of Los Angeles said in response to the beating: " We were really sickened when we saw it. But we're not inordinately surprised because we've been concerned for a long time
that this inflamed election year rhetoric of bashing immigrants and singling them out as an enemy creates an atmosphere that gives license to this sort of stuff." 19.


Hispanic rights organizations charge that Hispanic­ Americans are often targets of a growing trend of abuse by private citizens and local law enforcement officials. They attribute the increasing abuse in part to the hostile political climate in which anyone
who is perceived as an immigrant becomes a target for " enforcement" activities that are excessive, inappropriate, and often illegal.

Amish as Targets

MUNCIE, INDIANA ­ The Amish are easy targets for hate crimes because they rarely fight back and their assailants know it, says a Ball State University researcher. Interviews with Amish families in northern Indiana reveal long­ standing victimization that goes back several generations, said Bryan Byers, a criminal justice professor. Byers selected Amish residents in Indiana, as it has the third largest Amish population in the United States, surpassed only by Ohio and Pennsylvania. "In talking with the Amish, we found they have been targets of hate crimes for hundreds of years of their history," Byers said. " They have been easy targets for groups of young males who want to create mischief by forcing buggies off roads, throwing stones at Amish farmers and tossing fireworks at their horses."

Assailants think nothing about attacking an Amish person or stealing from their
farms. For many non­ Amish residents in northern Indiana, harassing members of the
religious sect is a way of life. Byers found his interviews with local non­ Amish residents
disturbing. Many assailants proudly talked about attacking Amish individuals.

" The attacks were always done by groups, not by individuals. The incidents were
viewed as simple mischief, no matter how severe the offense," Byers said. " They call
the Amish 'clapes' and the attacks or thefts are known as claping," he said. " Several
individuals talked to us about how their uncles or fathers had done it as young men. We
think it may go into several generations, but the interviews are still continuing."

The Amish date back to 1525 in Europe when a radical group of Christians, nicknamed " Anabaptists," sought a return to the simplicity of faith and practice as seen in the early Christian church in the Bible. Like many other religious groups, they fled to
the U. S. to escape religious and social persecution. Amish groups tend to be cautious about technology and involvement with the rest of the world they describe as " English culture." They drive horse drawn carriages, dress plainly, shun modern conveniences like electricity and discourage higher education.

"When talking to the Amish bishops about persecution, one said there wasn't a problem while another said there was," he said. "Others just wanted to know what they could do to us because of the martyrdom that makes up the culture."

Byers doubts that local authorities will be able to stop acts of violence against the Amish, who are pacifists and often refuse to help police or prosecutors. " They want nothing to do with our laws," he said. " They don't hold grudges so I think we'll be
required to establish hate crime laws to help them without their assistance."

__________

10 Taken from a July 9, 1997 media release of the Ball State University's University Relations office. For
additional information, please contact the University Relations office at (765) 285­ 1560. 20.

_____________________

Religious Institutions as Targets

Arsons, bombings and other acts against houses of worship represent one of the most pernicious and deplorable types of crime facing the nation. In addition to the 22 reports of church burnings in Indiana from August 1996 through July 1998, there have been reports of incidents against members of the Muslim, Jewish, and other religious community members. Muslim religious community reports that they experience more intimidation activity when national and international incidents occur.

As the National Church Arson Task Force ("NCATF" ) has recognized, "these are serious crimes with devastating consequences for the people and communities affected. In some instances, the history of a community was destroyed, including records of births, baptisms, marriages and deaths." When these crimes are motivated by racism or religious or other bias, the crime may take on an even more troubling dimension. Again, as recognized by the NCATF:

" In the African American community, the church historically has been a primary community institution. It was the only institution that was permitted during the years of slavery. It was the institution that enabled people to read. It has been the institution that formed the backbone for a tremendous amount of political activism. Critical events of the civil rights movement, such as the Montgomery bus boycott, had their genesis in the church. Many leaders within the African American community grew up in the church or remain ministers of the church." 11

Thanks to the work of the NCATF over the past two years, some conclusions may be drawn regarding the causes and motives behind at least some of these deplorable incidents. A review of information compiled by the NCATF in its Second Year Report to the President reveals that racism and other forms of prohibited bias play a part in a troubling number of these incidents. The NCATF opened investigations in 670 arsons, bombings and other incidents directed against houses of worship between January 1, 1995 and September 8, 1998. State and local authorities obtained convictions with regard to 173 incidents. 12 Out of those cases where convictions were obtained, 37 incidents involved the commission of a hate crime or the presence of a hate crime related motive. 13 Four additional defendants plead guilty to lesser charges where the government alleged that the defendants were motivated by hate.

The NCATF further concluded that the incidents, as a whole, were also motivated by numerous other factors, including vandalism, pyromania, mental health disturbances, and attempts to cover up burglaries. 14 Most defendants were not found to be members of organized hate [extremist] groups, although this is not a necessary allegation under federal civil rights laws. In addition, although the NCATF brought conspiracy charges in a number of cases involving common defendants, the conspiracies tended to be confined to small geographic areas. The NCATF found that the cases to date do not support a theory of a broad national conspiracy. 15

Nationally, approximately 33.6% of the incidents investigated by the NCATF involved African American houses of worship, as compared to 45.9% in the South. 16 In Indiana, only 1 out of 22 incidents, or approximately 4.5%, involved an African American house of worship. 17 Nationally, identified perpetrators are overwhelmingly white and
male (75. 3%) and predominately young (58.7% age 24 or younger). 18 Similarly, all of the convictions obtained in Indiana through September 8, 1998 involved young white men. 19

The National Church Arson Task Force Second Year Report to the President is
available through the Public Affairs Offices of the United States Department of Justice
(202) 616­ 2765 or the United States Department of the Treasury (202) 622­ 2966. The
report is also available on the Internet at http://www.atf.treas.gov/

_______________

11 " Second Year Report for the President," National Church Arson Task Force, U. S. Department of the
Treasury, U. S. Department of Justice, Washington, D. C., October 13, 1998, p. 19. 12

__________

Ibid., p. 2. 13
Ibid., p. 9. 14
Ibid., p. 19. 15
Ibid., p. 19­ 20.
16 Ibid., Appendix 1, Chart A.
17 Ibid., Chart D.
18 Ibid., Chart Q.
19 Ibid., Appendix 2, p. 6. 22.

________________

U. S. National Church Arson Task Force:
Convictions for Violence against Houses of Worship
Reported since January 1995 (as of September 8, 1998)

INDIANA 20

Leesburg Grace Brethren Church (Leesburg) (Northern District)

On July 22, 1997, this Caucasian church was burned. Damage was estimated at $550,000. The defendant, a 17­ year­ old juvenile, was found guilty by a state jury of arson, burglary and theft in connection with this matter. He was sentenced to 20 years incarceration (arson), 4 years incarceration (burglary), and 18 months incarceration (theft), all to be served concurrently.

Faith United Methodist Church (Kokomo) (Southern District)
Shiloh United Methodist Church (Kokomo) (Southern District)

On July 13, 1997, and July 22, 1997, these Caucasian churches were burned. Two Caucasian males 23 and 21 years old pled guilty to State charges in connection with these fires. The 23­ year­ old pled guilty to two counts of burglary and one count of conspiracy to commit burglary. He received 10 years incarceration plus three years supervised probation. The 21­ year­ old pled guilty to one count of attempted arson, one count of conspiracy to commit arson, two counts of burglary, one count of conspiracy to commit burglary and one count of institutional criminal mischief. He received six years incarceration and three years supervised probation. The arsons were committed to cover up the burglaries.

Peace Evangelical Lutheran Church (Fort Wayne) (Northern District)

On August 3, 1996, this Caucasian church was burned. The damage estimate was $20,000. There were two points of origin. One point of origin was believed to have been caused by a Molotov cocktail and the other by an accelerant. The defendant, a 23­ year­ old Caucasian male, confessed to the arson and indicated that he was angry with God. The defendant was convicted of state burglary and criminal mischief charges. He received a two­ year sentence for the burglary charge and six years for the criminal mischief charge.

_______________

20 " Second Year Report to the President," National Church Arson Task Force, U. S. Department of the
Treasury, U. S. Department of Justice, Washington, D. C., October 13, 1998, Appendix 2, p. 8. 23.
_______________

YOUTH

Youth and Hate Crimes

Young people factor significantly into the statistics of this nation's hate crimes, both as victims and perpetrators. National research has shown that among the known perpetrators of hate crimes 65% of those committing the acts are teenagers or young adults. One study has found that more than half of all hate crimes are committed by young people ages 15 through 24. 21 Motivations for youths to commit violence are diverse and varied. According to a study conducted in 1993 for Northeastern University, sixty percent of offenders committed crimes for the " thrill associated with the victimization." 22 Other research shows that hate crimes have motivations clearly rooted in learned prejudice.

Youth are popular recruits for various hate groups. Those targeted are usually teenagers or young adults who are loners with few friends or those alienated from society. Hate groups garner the attention of youth through the Internet, literature distribution, broadcasts over public access television, and personal contact. For example, the World Church of the Creator, of which Benjamin Smith, aged 21, was a product, is involved in one­ on­ one recruiting efforts targeting young people. Devin Burghart of the Center for New Community, an Oak Park, Illinois nonprofit that tracks the activities of hate groups in the Midwest, describes some of the other recruiting tools used to lure youth into the mind set of racial bias:

One of the most powerful propaganda tools [extremist groups] have now is music. There are dozens of different white power bands that are active, and their music is available, and not only from mail order anymore. Now you can go into suburban record stores like Record Breakers and purchase CDs by bands like Brutal Attack and Mud Oven. Some of the most violent, vile, hardcore, racist and anti­ Semitic literature you can imagine is on those records. 23

The majority of youth involved in violence are influenced by peers rather than by organized hate groups. According to Howard Pinderhughes, an assistant professor in the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of California, the perpetrators of youth violence are just ordinary young people.

Most people, when they hear of racial violence, think of rednecks in white hoods burning crosses or skinheads in black storm trooper boots with swastikas on their arms. But the reality of contemporary racial violence is that it is ordinary young people under the age of twenty who are perpetrating the overwhelming majority of racially motivated crimes. Most of the violence is random. It is not connected with an articulated racial ideology. There are no organized groups, no clear political objectives. 24

21 " Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3.
22 Journal of Intergroup Relations, p. 10.
23 Ben Winters, " Hate Thy Neighbor," New City, September 16, 1999, pp. 10­ 13. Certain young people believe that they will earn respect from their friends by committing acts of violence. One " gaybashing" youth was quoted as saying: " We were trying to be tough to each other. It was like a game of chicken­ ­ someone dared you to do something and there was no backing down." 25 Many acts of violence are committed as part of gang initiation. Group bonding is enhanced by the sharing of a common enemy.

Other young people involved in hate crimes act in response to a perceived threat. According to Pinderhughes, " racial hatred and fear fulfills a function for many human beings. This is not a biologically based, predetermined predisposition but, rather, a learned set of attitudes and beliefs that help individuals define who they are and are not; manage anxieties, fears and frustrations; and feel power and worth in their lives." 26 Youth who feel frustrated and angry that their way of life, their future economic prospects, and their social position are threatened often interpret this threat as coming from a certain racial or ethnic group. Feeling powerless in society, they may then respond to such a perceived threat through violence. Violence of this nature has been labeled " scapegoating." 27 For more information on hate crime offenders and their motivations, see the chart entitled " Hate Crimes Offender Types" set forth in this section of the manual.

Youth hate crimes can occur on the streets, or as seen in Littleton, Colorado and Conyers, Georgia, within the schools. In 1997, 11% of hate crime incidents occurred at schools or colleges. In one survey, 68% of girls and 39% of boys in grades 8­ 11, reported sexual harassment. Another study indicated that 20% to 25% of students had been victimized in racial or ethnic incidents in the course of a school year. 28 Schools are a prime site because often schools are among the only locations where young people come into contact with people from other racial and ethnic groups. 29 Schools, therefore, have a unique opportunity to teach tolerance and respond quickly and effectively to conflict. The Leadership Council on Civil Rights suggests that the next generation of Americans must be prepared for a diverse society so that differences in races and cultures will perpetuate tolerance instead of conflict and violence.

The Southern Poverty Law Center has released a special publication titled Responding to Hate at School: A Guide for Teachers, Counselors and Administrators. The book explains various techniques used to demean individuals or groups based on race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, ability or appearance. 30 The U. S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights and the National Association of Attorneys General has published a useful manual entitled Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime, which contains strategies for preventing hate crimes and harassment as well as sample policies from actual school districts. All schools should develop programs directed at preventing hate crimes and harassment and " endeavor to provide students with a curriculum, teaching methods, and school activities that discourage stereotypes and respond to the concerns of students of different races and cultural backgrounds." 31 As there is no bright line between what constitutes a hate crime and what constitutes harassment, schools must respond to both with speed and severe consequences. The U. S. Department of Education, Office of Elementary and Secondary Education, Safe and Drug Free Schools Program published the booklet " Preventing Youth Hate Crime." A portion of this booklet can be found in the response section of this manual. For additional information, please refer to U. S. Department of Education contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

________

24 Pinderhughes, Race in the Hood: Conflict and Violence among Urban Youth. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1997, p. 4.
25 Journal of Intergroup Relations, p. 10.
26 Pinderhughes, p. 24.
27 " Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3.
28 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," U. S. Department of Education Officer for Civil
Rights and National Association of Attorneys General, p. 1.
29 Pinderhughes at 158­ 159.
30 Southern Poverty Law Center Report, Vol. 29, no. 2 (June 1999), p. 1. 25.
31 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," p.8

______________

Hate Crimes in Indiana Educational Institutions

Within the last year, hate incidents have been occurring in both the higher educational institutions and at various school corporations throughout the state. Reports of hate incidents have been reported from Valparaiso University, Manchester College, and Indiana University School of Law ­ Indianapolis. At Valparaiso University, an anonymous caller left an obscenity­ filled, threatening voice mail message for two black
athletes. 32 The incident prompted a federal hate crime investigation, and a state criminal harassment investigation due to the threat of violence. 33

At Manchester College, a racist e­ mail message was sent to the Manchester International Association, Hispanos Unidos, Black Student Union, and the Hispanic American organization. 34 Approximately 100 minority students in the four groups received the message. Local authorities did not investigate because no state or federal statute had been violated since the message was directed toward minority groups, rather than individuals. 35

At Indiana University School of Law ­ Indianapolis, a racially derogatory letter directed at the black law students was left in the mailboxes of nineteen students. 36 The letter stated that the students were not welcome at the "white man's law school." 37 Campus authorities did not investigate the incident as a hate crime because it did not involve physical threats of violence. 38

Incidents have also occurred in various school corporations throughout the state. In Martinsville, racial slurs were allegedly hurled in the parking lot at a visiting school's minority football players. 39 Although there was no criminal investigation, penalties were imposed on the Martinsville School Corporation by the Indiana High School Athletic
Association. 40 In Lafayette, teachers and principals suspected of being gay received anonymous letters and phone calls threatening to expose them. 41 The incident was not officially investigated due to the anonymity of the letters. 42

31 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," p. 8.
32 " Schools Searching for Racial Harmony. IUPUI, Manchester, Valparaiso Reassessing Race Relations in Wake of Messages of Hatred." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 15, 1998.
33 Ibid.
34 " Police Say Hate E­ Mail Didn't Break Any Laws. It Attacked Groups, Not Individuals." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 14, 1998.
35 Ibid.
36 " A Racially Derogatory Memo Directed to Black Law Students Has Drawn the Ire of IUPUI Officials and Students and Elicited a Financial Reward to Help Identify the Culprit." The Indianapolis Star/ News, January 21, 1998.
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 " State's Racist Past Lurks in Shadows of Today. Experts Say Indiana is home to Fastest Growing Klan Faction in United States, One Group Says." The Indianapolis Star/ News, May 30, 1998. 40 Ibid. 41 " Suspected Gay Teachers at Lafayette are Targeted." The Indianapolis Star/ News, July 13, 1998. 42 Ibid.

D. HATE IN INDIANA

Hate Crimes in Indiana

The Indiana Civil Rights Commission developed the Hate Crimes Reporting Network in 1996, for the purpose of collecting data about the number of hate crimes committed in Indiana and to educate the public on the nature and extent of hate crimes. As of October 1999, the network has reporters in 78 counties out of Indiana's 92 counties. The reporting network collects data on the nature, frequency, and location of hate crimes that have been reported throughout Indiana; educates law enforcement; encourages compliance with the federal Hate Crimes Statistics Act; and educates the public on the nature and extent of hate crimes occurring in Indiana. The reporting network collects as much data as possible on the commission of hate crimes occurring statewide and complies the reports in a database.

The information collected is given to governmental agencies, legislators and citizens throughout the state. The information provides a profile of the pattern hate crimes occurrences, which assists decision­ makers in planning public policy. The reporting network also serves to make the FBI statistics for Indiana as complete as possible. Ultimately, complete reporting benefits all residents and visitors of the State of Indiana, as all citizens of Indiana are affected when hate crimes occur.

For the period of August 1996 through October 1999, the reporting network gathered 130 reports of alleged hate crimes and bias incidents that involved over 600 victims and 163 separate offenses. These include 14 arsons of places of worship allegedly motivated by the religious bias of a single primary suspect. Additional 22 incendiary fires occurring at places of worship have been reported in Indiana since 1996. These crimes remain unsolved.

The hate crimes reporting network has quantified the reports recorded through October 1999. The statistics reveal that 50% of the hate crimes are motivated by racial factors; 22% are motivated by sexual orientation; 15% are motivated by religion; and 13% are motivated by ethnicity. (See Graph 1, p. 18)

Of the racially motivated hate crimes, 55 were anti­ black (68% of the reported crimes with racial bias motivation); 17 were anti­ Hispanic (21%); 6 were anti­ multiracial (7%); 2 were anti­ Asian (3%); and 1 was anti­ white (1%). (See Graph 2, p. 18)

The offenses committed include intimidation; property damage and vandalism; assault; arson; murder; burglary; and theft. Statistically, the majority of offenses involve intimidation (58), property damage and vandalism (46), simple assault (20) and arson (18). However, there have been 10 reports of robbery, 8 reports of aggravated assault, 1 report of burglary, and 2 reports of murder, which demonstrate the potential for the commission of serious crimes.

The hate crimes have been reported from 23 counties out of the 78 counties that
participate in the reporting network (See Map below). At this time there is no requirement that
state and local law enforcement agencies report the occurrence of hate crimes. However,
despite the lack of mandatory law enforcement reporting and uniform collection, the reporting
network has provided valuable information on hate crimes occurring in Indiana. 30.

State of Indiana Population Profile

Indiana Total Population 43

POPULATION GROUP POPULATION PERCENTAGE
White 5,312,849 90.59%
Black 483,558 8.25%
Hispanic 136,568 2.33%
White Hispanic 124,589 2.12%
White non­ Hispanic 5,188,260 88.47%
Asian/ Pacific Islander 53,361 0.90%
American Indian/ Eskimo/ Aleut 14,340 0.24%

65 & Over 733,847 12.51%
17 & Under 1,497,455 25.54%

43 Population Estimate Program 1990­ 1997, Population Division, U. S. Bureau of the Census 31.

Klan in Indiana

The Ku Klux Klan has an extensive history in the State of Indiana. The Klan gained a stronghold in the 1920s under the leadership of D. C. Stephenson, the Grand Dragon, who filled political offices with Klan members in almost every county. 44 Currently, there are at least 11 extremist groups operating in Indiana. 45 The groups include: The American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan; Order of Ku Klux Klan; National Knights of Ku Klux Klan; National Association for the Advancement of White People; World Church of the Creator; Identity Study Group; National Socialist White People's Party; The Northern Hammer Skinheads.

According to Klanwatch, a national group that monitors Klan activity, the American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is one of the nation's fastest growing and most violent Klan groups. 46 The group has staged 15 public rallies in Indiana, and 14 outside the state. 47 The rallies have cost the state approximately $650,000.00, primarily due to the cost of policing the events. 48 In many instances, officers are on duty 6 to 8 hours and are paid over­ time. It is not unusual for a Klan rally to cost a county $10,000. 00 to $30, 000.00 per event. 49 In addition, when a Klan rally is being held in a county, sheriff's departments from neighboring counties often send their deputies to the rally and absorb the related cost. 50

At many of the rallies, anti­ Klan protestors far outnumber the Klan members and supporters. At a rally held in Starke County in 1996, there were 100 police officers, 50 onlookers, and 8 Klan members. 51 Most recently, a rally held in Booneville had 100 police officers, 1,200 anti­ Klan protesters, 36 Klan members, and 50 Klan supporters. 52 In Jasper, St. Joseph College hosted a diversity fair to counter the Klan rally. 53 The diversity fair attracted 2,500 people, as opposed to the Klan rally which was attended by 37 Klan members, 40 supporters, and 100 anti­ Klan protesters. 54 When the Klan requested a parade permit in Logansport, the city council passed an ordinance that made it unlawful for anyone over 18 years of age to wear a mask or hood. 55 Anyone who violates the ordinance may be fined up to $2,500.00. 56 However, the city of Goshen adopted a similar ordinance that was recently struck down as unconstitutional by a federal judge in northern Indiana.

__________

44 " State's Racist Past Lurks in Shadows of Today, Experts say Indiana is Home to Fastest Growing Klan Faction in United
States, One Group Contends." The Indianapolis Star/ News, May 30, 1998.
45 " Intelligence Report," Winter 1999, Issue 93, The Southern Poverty Law Center, Montgomery, Ala., pp. 40­ 41.
46 " Klan Rallies Create Big Bills for Taxpayers." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 29, 1998.
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 " More than 1, 200 Show Up to See Ku Klux Klan; Security Extremely Tight." Evansville Courier, October 18, 1998.
53 " Protestors Outnumber Klan At Rally." The Indianapolis Star/ News, August 31, 1998.
54 Ibid.
55 " Anti­ mask Ordinance Aimed at Stopping Klan." The Indianapolis Star/ News, July 8, 1998.
56 Ibid.
57 " Intelligence Report," Winter 1999, Issue 93, pp. 40­ 41.

___________

Active Groups in Indiana

This list of active hate [extremist] groups is based on information gathered by the Intelligence Project of The Southern Poverty Law Center from hate [extremist] groups' publications, citizens' reports, law enforcement agencies, field sources, and news reports. Only organizations known to be active in 1998, whether that activity included marches, rallies, speeches, meetings, leafleting, publishing literature or criminal acts, were counted in the listing. Entities that appear to exist only in cyberspace are not included because they are likely to be individual Web publishers who like to portray themselves as powerful organized groups. This listing contains all known chapters of hate organizations.
    Groups are categorized as Klan, Neo­ Nazi, racist Skinheads, Christian Identity, Black Separatists, and other. Because racist Skinheads are migratory and often not affiliated with groups, this listing understates their numbers.

KU KLUX KLAN

American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
(national headquarters) Butler
Auburn
Goshen

International Keystone
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
Various, Indiana

Invisible Empire, Indiana Ku Klux Klan
Knox

National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
(national headquarters) South Bend

Order of the Ku Klux Klan
(headquarters) Rockville

NEO­ NAZI

Knights of Freedom
Crown Point
Huntington

National Alliance
Crown Point
Indianapolis

National Socialist White People's Party
Clarksville

Reichsfolk
(headquarters) Auburn

World Church of the Creator
Bloomington
Evansville
Indianapolis 33.

RACIST SKINHEADS

Hammerskin Nation
Bristol

E. PROFILES OF EXTREMIST GROUPS

Extremist Groups in America

Extremist, or superiority, groups are prevalent in the United States. There are many organizations dedicated to tracking the activities of extremist groups. A list of those organizations can be found in the resource section of this manual. One such organization is the Center for New Community, in Oak Park, Illinois.

The Center's New Community's Building Democracy Initiative tracks 272 far­ right organizations active in the Midwestern states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, and Wisconsin. " Of those 272 groups, 52 are Christian Identity ministries, 99 are Christian Patriot/ militia groups, 35 are various Ku Klux Klan chapters, 61 are neo­ Nazi/ racist skinhead organizations, and 25 are other groups." 58

58 "The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest," Center For New Community, p. 6. 35.

The Center has identified four types of supremacy groups. These supremacy groups are bound together by their use of the Bible to justify their bigotry and violent actions.

1. Christian Identity, with a Biblically­ based bigotry.
2. Christian Patriots, with Constitutional racism and paramilitary organizations.
3. Ku Klux Klan.
4. Neo­ Nazis, and racist Skinheads.

While white supremacist organizations used to be segmented into two populations: those who wanted to attain power through violent revolution and those who wanted to attain power nonviolently through public persuasion; however, the distinction has recently blurred. Many supremacist groups will now couch their message in mainstream language but privately condone terrorist acts. Supremacist groups have even found their way into local government.

Young people are being recruited into extremist organizations through the use of professional­ looking publications and music. For more on youth and hate see pages 14 ­ 16 of this manual. For a detailed description of the various supremacist groups, see the glossary of terms on pages 67 ­ 72 of this manual. For a list of far­ right organizations in the Midwest by state, see the following compilation.

Organizations in the Midwest 59

59 "The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest," Center For New Community, pp. 15­ 17. For
additional information, please refer to the Center For New Community contact information provided in the resource
section of this manual.

I L L I N 0 I S

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Adamic Christian Fellowship ­ Gurnee
Christian Conservative Churches of America ­ Louisville
Heirs of the Blessing ­ Herrin
Identity Christian Fellowship ­ Collinsville
Solid Oak Ministries ­ East Peoria
The Trumpet II ­ Macomb

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
Christian Patriots Defense League ­ Flora
Common law Court ­ Clark County
Erwin Rommel School of Common Law ­ Chicago
Illinois Constitutional Militia ­ Libertyville
Illinois Freedom Militia ­ Unknown
Illinois Patriots Coalition ­ Centralia
Jural Society ­ Springfield
Morgan County Minutemen ­ Jacksonville
Northern Illinois Militia ­ Romeoville
Northern Illinois Minutemen ­ Arlington Heights
Northwest Illinois Militia ­ Whiteside County
Southern Illinois Patriots League ­ Buncombe
Western Illinois Militia ­ Monmouth

KU KLUX KLAN
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Rantoul
Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Chicago
Federation of Klans, Knights of the KKK ­ Chicago
Illinois Knights ­ Smithboro
Illinois Knights (Imperial Klans of America) ­ Carpenterville
Imperial Klans of America ­ Decatur
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Wood River
New Order Knights ­ Energy

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
American National Socialist Resistance ­ Bellevue
American Nazi Party ­ Chicago
Aryan Book Center ­ Decatur
Aryan Free Press ­ Champaign
Aryan Graphics ­ Decatur
Aryan Nations ­ Orland Park
Aryan Nations ­ Pekin
Aryan Nations ­ Rock Island
Aryan Nations ­ Wood River
Day of the Rope ­ Carbondale
National Alliance ­ Arlington Heights
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Des Plaines
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Naperville
WCOTC ­ Chicago
WCOTC ­ East Peoria
WCOTC ­ Murphysboro
WCOTC ­ Rantoul
WCOTC ­ Springfield
White War Commission ­ Chicago

OTHER
NAAWP ­ Columbia
NAAWP ­ Marissa
NAAWP ­ Peoria
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Elgin

I N D I A N A

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Bible Truth Research ­ Underwood
Christian Israelite Church ­ Lafayette
Identity Baptist ­ South Bend
Identity Study Group ­ Franklin

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
Common Law Court ­ Adams County
Common Law Court ­ Delaware county
Common Law Court ­ Kosciusko County
Common Law Court ­ Ripley County
Common Law Court ­ Wabash County
Common Law Court ­ Warrick County
Dearborn County Militia ­ Dearborn County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Howard County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Morgan County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Perry County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Putnum County
Marion County Militia ­ Marion County

KU KLUX KLAN
National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ South Bend
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Butler
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Goshen
International Keystone Knights of the KKK ­ Coalmont
Order of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Rockville
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ North Salem
Ku Klux Klan (Kourier) ­ South Bend

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
Aryan Nations ­ Winchester
Hammerskins ­ Bristol
National Socialist Party ­ Clarksville
National Socialist White Peoples Party ­ Indianapolis
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Guilford
WCOTC ­ Bloomington
WCOTC ­ Evansville
WCOTC ­ Indianapolis

OTHER
NAAWP ­ Clarksville
NAAWP ­ Shelby
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Shoals

I O W A

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Remnant ­ Spirit Lake
Sacred Name Fellowship ­ Davenport
Sceptre Publishing ­ Cedar Rapids

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
None

KU KLUX KLAN
None

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
National Socialist Movement ­ Dexter

OTHER
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Story City

K A N S A S

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
America's Future Christian Fellowship ­ Wichita
New Covenant Christian Fellowship ­ Wichita
Unificer ­ Olathe

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
American Constitutional Militia Network ­ Wichita
Christian Court ­ Abilene
Common Law Court ­ Jefferson County
Common Law Court ­ Shawnee County
Common Law Court ­ St. Mary's
Common Law Court ­ Wabaunsee County
Kansas Rangers ­ Undisclosed location
Kansas Territorial Agricultural Society ­ Rock

KU KLUX KLAN
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Salina
New Order Knights ­ McFarland
New Order Knights ­ Lansing

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
Harnmerskins ­ Wichita
Salt City Skinheads ­ Hutchinson

OTHER
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Wichita

M I C H I G A N

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Church of Christ in Israel ­ Munising
Life Tabernacle Church ­ East Lansing
New Covenant Christian Church ­ Munger
Proclaim Liberty Ministry ­ Adrian
Restoration Bible Church ­ Berkley
Restoration Bible Ministries ­ Royal Oak
Restoration Bible Mission ­ Vassar

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Arenac
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Bay City
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­ Flint
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Gladwin County
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Ithaca
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Lapeer
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Midland
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Saginaw
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Shiawassee
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Tuscola County
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Grand Rapids
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Lakeview
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Mount Pleasant
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Muskegon
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Tustin
Christ County Jural Society ­Christ County
Common Law Court ­Lake County
Common Law Court ­Manistee County
Common Law Court ­Wexford County
Ethical Good Government ­Ionia County
County Justice Pro Se ­Dearborn
Lawful Path ­Tustin
LEGAL ­Pinckney
Michigan Electors Association ­Undisclosed location
Michigan Gun Owners ­Farmington
Michigan Jural Society ­Mount Pleasant
Michigan Jural Society ­Ovid
Michigan Militia ­Capac
Michigan Militia ­ Isabella County
Michigan Militia at large ­ Dexter Michigan
Militia Corps. ­ Alanson
Michigan Militia Corps. Wolverines 26th Brigade ­ ­ Deerfield
Michigan Militia Wolverine Corps. ­ Kalamazoo
Michigan Regional Militia ­ Bad Axe
National Confederation of Citizens Militias ­ Harbor Springs
North American Militia ­ Battle Creek
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Alanson
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Pellston
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Wolverine
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Allegan
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Battle Creek
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Burton
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Fowlerville
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Ingham County
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ St. Clair
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Wayne County
St. Clair County Militia ­ Capac
Superior Michigan Regional Militia ­ Ishpeming
Superior Regional Militia Corps. ­ L'Anse
United States Theatre Command ­ Cass City

KU KLUX KLAN
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Caledonia
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Hudson
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Waters
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Howell
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Lambertville
New Order Knights ­ Milford

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
Aryan Nations ­ Warren
European American Educational Association ­ Eastpointe
Harnmerskins ­ Rochester
National Alliance ­ Midland
SS Action Group ­ Dearborn Heights
Stormtrooper ­ Eastpointe
WCOTC ­ Cadillac
WCOTC ­ Detroit

OTHER
Blood Bond Enterprises­ Waters
NAAWP ­ Dearborn Heights
NAAWP ­ Eastpointe
NAAWP ­ Garden Springs
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Portage

M I N N E S O T A

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Freedom Books ­ Edgerton
God's Kingdom Ministries ­ Fridley
Gabriel's Enterprises ­ Albert Lea
Kingdom Evangelical Church ­ Hopkins
Weisman Publications ­ Burnsville

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
Citizens for a Constitutional Republic ­ Lakeville
Citizens for a Constitutional Minnesota ­ Apple Valley
Minnesota Constitutional Rangers ­ Unspecified
Minnesota Militia ­ St Cloud
Minnesota Minutemen Militia ­ Unspecified

KU KLUX KLAN
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ ­ Undisclosed location
Rangers of the Kross ­ Knights of the KKK ­ ­ Golden Valley

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
All­ American Boys ­ Rochester
Aryan Nations ­ Minneapolis
National Socialist Movement ­ Minneapolis
Northern Hammerskins ­ Hastings
Northern Hammerskins ­ St. Paul
Wolf Pack Services ­ Minneapolis / St. Paul

OTHER
NAAWP ­ St. Paul
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Woodbury

M I S S O U R I

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Christian Adamite Party ­ Mountain Grove 38.
Church of Christ ­ Oak Grove
Church of Israel ­ Schell City
Faith Baptist Church and Ministry ­ Houston
New Covenant Church ­ Crocker
New Dawn Christian Ministries ­ Houston
Noah's Books ­ Lakeview
Our Savior's Church ­ Gainesville
Our Savior's Church ­ Gainesville
Restored Church of Jesus Christ ­ Independence
Son Light ­ Kearney
Voice of Warning ­ Independence

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
1st Missouri Volunteers ­ St. Louis
7th Missouri Militia ­ Granby
George Gordon School of Common Law ­ Isabella
Missouri 11th Christian Civilian Militia ­ Unspecified
Missouri 51st Militia ­ Grain Valley
Missouri Militia, 42nd Brigade ­ Lincoln County
Missouri Militia, 58th Brigade ­ Franklin County
Missouri Militia, 59th Brigade ­ St. Peters

KU KLUX KLAN
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Humansville
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (Robb) ­ St. Louis
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Leslie
Missouri FOK (Federation of Klans) Inc. ­ St. Louis
New Order Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Overland
Tri­ County White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Mt Grove
Western Missouri SA (Street Action) ­ Overland

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
Aryan Nations ­ Lees Summit
Fourth Reich Skins ­ Springfield
Hammerskins ­ Springfield
Northern Hammer Skins ­ St. Louis
Waynesville Skinheads ­ Waynesville
White Survival ­ Springfield

OTHER
Council of Conservative Citizens ­ St Louis
NAAWP ­ Springfield
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Fenton
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Florissant

N E B R A S K A

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Covenant Christian Church ­ Omaha
Mission to Israel ­ Scottsbluff

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
None

KU KLUX KLAN
None

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
NSDAP­ AO ­ Lincoln

OTHER
NAAWP ­ Omaha
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Omaha

W I S C O N S I N

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY
Basic Bible Church of America ­ Omro
Basic Bible Church of America ­ Tigerton
Christian Posse ­ Tigerton
Christians For Truth ­ Shawano
Common Law Research ­ Spooner
Last Trumpet Ministries ­ Beaver Dam
Mystery of the Kingdom Ministry ­ Wausau
Mystery of the Kingdom Ministry ­ Wausau
Wisconsin Church of Israel ­ Appleton

CHRISTIAN PATRIOT / MILITIA
Family Farm Preservation Society ­ Tigerton
Present Day Patriots ­ Berlin
Wisconsin Militia ­ Green Bay

KU KLUX KLAN
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Mercer
New Order Knights ­ Franklin

NEO­ NAZI / RACIST SKINHEAD
Aryan Nations ­ Milwaukee
Euro­ American Alliance ­ Milwaukee
National Alliance ­ Fond du Lac
New Order / NS Publications ­ Milwaukee
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Hartland
Oi! Boys ­ Kenosha
Stormfront Records ­ Milwaukee
WCOTC ­ Franklin
WCOTC ­ Milwaukee
WCOTC ­ New Berlin

OTHER
National Investor ­ Spooner
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Dousman
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Iron Ridge 39.

Christian Identity Movement: Philosophy

As described in Warrior Dreams: Violence And Manhood In Post­ Vietnam America By
William James Gibson (1994)

Most white racist groups subscribe to the Christian Identity philosophy to help make sense of the world. This religion was put forth by Edward Hines in an 1871 book called Identification of the British Nation With Lost Israel.

It goes like this:
Adam was the father of Abel; Eve slept with Satan, who fathered Cain. Cain, the first Jew, killed Abel and fled the Garden of Eden. Adam had more children and Yahweh chose one of them, Abraham, to receive the covenant and found the non­ Jewish Nation of Israel. Abraham's grandson Jacob took two wives and two concubines and fathered 12 sons, the leaders of the 12 tribes of Israel.

In 721 B. C. the Assyrian leader Sennacheri took the 10 northern tribes captive and they disappeared from biblical stories. Hines contends that these tribes became the settlers in Europe. One tribe eventually crossed the Atlantic on the Mayflower where God gave them a new covenant: The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill Of Rights.

Meanwhile, in 586 B. C. Nebuchadnezzar seized the southern tribe of Judah and took them to Babylonia, where Cain fled after killing Abel. It was there he mated with wild animals and created nonwhite races known as "mud people" . Nebuchadnezzar converted the tribe of Judah to Satanism, and thus formed the " Jewry" ­ the people who killed Christ, gave birth to communism, and took over the Federal Reserve bank in the United States.

From this perspective, white Anglo­ Saxons are the true Jews ­ God's chosen people. As Satan and his children, the imposter Jews and their children, the mud people, gain power, the world approaches its end. Good Christians must be prepared for both the Apocalypse and to help bring the Apocalypse on through their battles against Satan's secular representatives of the Zionist Occupational Government (ZOG) that runs the United States.

60 Taken from a leaflet included in the Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division
of the FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this
manual. 40.

The Turner Diaries

Written by William Pierce under the pseudonym Andrew McDonald in 1978 (as described
in Warrior Dreams: Violence and Manhood in Post­ Vietnam America, by James William Gibson,
1994).

The book is built on the premise of a white government looking back on its successful rise to power. The diaries are an archaeological find. Earl Turner was an early foot soldier and hero.

The diary started in 1989, with enforcement of " The Cohen Act" . The whites have hidden their guns from the feds. The FBI and Israeli hitmen are hunting them down. At the same time the Supreme Court rules that rape laws are unconstitutional since they discriminate against men. Thousands of white women are immediately raped by blacks. Disarmed whites can no longer defend their women and the future of the white race is in doubt.

The organization strategy: guerilla assaults against the Zionist Occupational Government (ZOG) to cripple the " System" and to provoke liberals into oppressive measure against the white population.

Organized in cells or small groups so that if caught, one individual could not bring down everyone. These cells committed robberies and murders to finance the organization. They blow up the FBI building in Washington with ammonium nitrate fertilizer bomb in a truck.

A secret in­ group called the order is formed. Earl Turner is admitted into the order. After passing the lie­ detector tests he is given a secret book which allegedly tells about the white race and its place in the cosmos.

War continues and Turner is captured. He is tortured. He is told that he later must go on a suicide mission to remain in the order.

After a takeover in southern California the organization holds the " day of the rope" where thousands of white liberals and white women who have slept with blacks are hung from street posts. Jews are herded into canyons and shot. Blacks, Asians, and Latinos are exiled.

The war intensifies. Major cities are destroyed. ZOG is crippled. Turner flies suicide mission into Pentagon.

An all­ white nation survives.

61 Taken from a leaflet included in the Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division of the FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

Similarities between The Turner Diaries and the Oklahoma City Bombing

The information below was compiled by investigators at Klanwatch of The Southern Poverty Law Center, and published in the " Klanwatch Intelligence Report," June 1995. It has been updated by the ICRC since the trial and conviction of Timothy McVeigh. For additional information, please refer to Southern Poverty Law Center contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

Turner Diaries vs Oklahoma City Bombing

The National Alliance 62

62 Excerpts are taken from " Explosion of Hate: The Growing Danger of the National Alliance," Anti­ Defamation League publication, 1998, pp. 43 ­ 45. For additional information, please refer to Anti­ Defamation League contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

The National Alliance has had several incarnations. The group was originally established by Willis Carto, anti­ Semitic founder of Liberty Lobby, as the " Youth for Wallace" campaign in support of the 1968 Presidential bid of Alabama Governor George Wallace. After Wallace lost the Presidential race, Carto renamed his organization the National Youth Alliance and attempted to recruit activists to his increasingly radical anti­ democratic cause. In 1970, William Pierce, a former American Nazi Party (ANP) officer and editor of the National Socialist World, left the National Socialist White People's Party (NSWPP), the successor to the ANP, to join the National Youth Alliance. According to the Washington Post at the time, the National Youth Alliance attracted several former ANP activists. These extremists ultimately led the organization away from Carto's influence.

By 1971, Pierce and Carto were openly feuding. Carto accused Pierce of stealing the Liberty Lobby mailing list and sending the individuals listed on it " poison pen" letters that vilified Carto's group. The hostilities between the two men have not abated. Carto currently blames Pierce for a dispute begun in 1993 between Liberty Lobby and another Carto­ founded group, the Holocaust­ denying Institute for Historical Review.

Since 1974, when the National Alliance dropped the word " Youth" from its name, Pierce has run the group and edited its magazine, National Vanguard (originally titled Attack!), as well as an internal newsletter, National Alliance Bulletin (formerly called Action). The National Alliance also publishes National Vanguard Books, a catalog of racist and anti­ Semitic literature. Unsolicited promotional materials about the catalog and extremist publications listing the catalog have been sent to high school and college students across the country. The principal books promoted by the National Alliance have been the Turner Diaries, a novel published in 1978, and Hunter, a second work of fiction published in 1989.

In 1985, Pierce relocated the National Alliance from Arlington, Virginia, to a 346­ acre farm near Mill Point, West Virginia, which he bought for $95,000 in cash. There has been some speculation over the years that at least some of the money used for the purchase had come from the proceeds of bank and armored car robberies committed by The Order. Authorities believe that of the $4 million stolen by members of the terrorist band, $750,000 was distributed to various white supremacist allies. Tom Martinez, a one­ time associate of Bob Mathews who became an FBI informant, has written that in November 1984, Mathews admitted to him that he had donated some of The Order's loot to William Pierce. That same month, Pierce bought the West Virginia farm. He converted it to a compound and called it the " Cosmotheist Community Church." Pierce then filed for federal, state and local tax exemptions. But in 1986, the " Church" lost its state tax exemption for all but 60 acres and those buildings being used exclusively for " religious purposes."

Pierce's formation of the " Church" appears to have been a last­ ditch effort to avoid paying taxes. Pierce had tried, years earlier, to acquire tax­ exempt status for the National Alliance itself by claiming that his organization was " educational." But the Internal Revenue Service denied the application in 1978. While Pierce appealed, the U. S. Court of Appeals upheld the IRS's decision in 1983, ruling that the National Alliance did not qualify as an educational organization. (The court's position was supported by amicus curiae briefs filed by ADL, the American Jewish Congress and the NAACP.) The court noted that Pierce's organization " repetitively appeals for
action, including violence" to injure members of " named racial, religious, or ethnic groups," and added that National Alliance published materials that " cannot reasonably be considered intellectual exposition."

Meanwhile, Pierce continued to invest in unusual real estate ventures. In 1992, he paid $100,000 to Ben Klassen (who is now deceased), founder of the racist, anti­ Semitic and anti­ Christian Church of the Creator (COTC), for a 21­ acre compound in Macon County, North Carolina. Klassen undersold the property, possibly in an attempt to unload his assets and avoid a civil lawsuit holding his organization vicariously responsible for the murder of an African­ American sailor by a COTC member.

Pierce put the North Carolina property up for sale again almost immediately after he bought it from Klassen, with an asking price of nearly three times what he had paid. A buyer unconnected to the white supremacist movement purchased the land a year later for $185,000. The Southern Poverty Law Center, representing the sailor's family, filed suit against Pierce, arguing that the original sale had been a fraudulent pretest to avoid paying the family damages in their claim against Klassen. On May 19, 1996, a federal jury ruled against Pierce and ordered that he gave the murdered sailor's family the $85,000 profit he made from the land sale.

In 1986, the National Alliance purchased 100 shares of AT& T stock, which enabled the group to place resolutions on the ballot of the corporation's annual shareholders meeting. The first such resolution, proposed in 1987, called for an end to AT& T's minority hiring program, on the grounds that Black people are intellectually inferior to whites. With the explicit condemnation by company officials, the resolution received 8.6 percent of shareholders' votes. The National Alliance resubmitted this proposal over the next three years, with no appreciable change in support. In 1991, the NA group submitted a new resolution calling for AT& T to stop doing all business with Israel. Following a vigorous campaign against the resolution, it was voted down by 96 percent of shareholders. The following year AT& T blocked the National Alliance from resubmitting the anti­ Israel proposal; the Securities and Exchange Commission upheld their effort against Pierce's group.

The Militia Movement: The New Klan? 63

63 Excerpts are taken from "The Crisis," the national magazine of the NAACP, August­ September 1995, pp. 22 ­ 23,
and p. 37. For additional information, please refer to NAACP contact information provided in the resource section of
this manual.

The (militia) movement has been the focus of national scrutiny since a bomb exploded outside an Oklahoma City federal building in April, killing over 100 people and injuring hundreds of others. Much of the evidence pointed toward 27­ year­ old Timothy McVeigh, an Army veteran and Pendleton, N. Y. native who had a history of involvement with the militia groups.

There are at least 224 militia groups operating in 39 states, according to a report by Klanwatch, an affiliate of the Southern Poverty Law Center. They are united in their hatred of federal regulatory and taxation policies. Some of them are armed and want to overthrow the federal government by force. Others want more power to be given to local officials.

John Trochmann, founder of the Militia of Montana, recently told a congressional panel that the militias were nothing more " than a giant neighborhood watch." But Michael Reynolds, the head of the Southern Poverty Law Center's Militia Task Force, says many militia members seek to revive the states­ rights arguments settled by the Civil War. Others have ties to the Ku Klux Klan, the neo­ Nazis and other white supremacist groups. Reynolds calls them spewers of " fear and hatred."

What is the real nature of the militia movement? Is it inherently racist and, as such, little more than an updated version of the Klan? Or does it represent a rough­ hewn citizens' movement for social justice? Supporters of the movement have no doubt as to the answer.

The militia movement is a group of people who want to fight the movement of the federal government away from its constitutional foundations," argues M. Samuel Sherwood, national director of the U. S. Militia Association. " The groups fight for different things in different parts of the country," Sherwood adds. " In Idaho, the federal government administers more than half of the state's land, through its control of national parks, military bases and other apparatus. The land available for private ownership is very expensive. This makes life more difficult in the state. There is less property tax money available for state revenue. This contributes to the poor quality of the Idaho schools."

" Many of the people in militias are evangelical Christians," states Phillip Litton, a member of the California Republican Assembly. " The state is ordained by God," Litton continues. " It is our responsibility to oppose the state when it violates divine laws from above. The federal government is confiscating people's wealth through income tax. It is getting hard for the lower middle class to pay taxes. The government is also violating the civil rights of its citizens. It violates the rights of Randy Weaver. If it violated his rights, it will violate the rights of all of us. But violence should only be used as a last resort."

Weaver was a white supremacist who barricaded himself inside his Naples, Idaho home in August 1992 and fought an eight­ day series of gun battles with federal law enforcement officials trying to arrest him. His wife, son and a federal marshal were killed in the standoff. Weaver had been a fugitive sought on gun­ peddling charges. He was later exonerated by a jury from conspiracy charges and has become a hero to supporters of anti­ government, right­ wing policies.

" After the Waco and Randy Weaver incidents, I began to realize that something was wrong," states militia leader John Mills. " That was when I decided to form the Alameda County Militia six or seven months ago. Clinton and his people have been running cocaine through Arkansas. His wife has already been indicted. The government is importing drugs into the inner city."

Mills, who is black, says the states' rights concept is not necessarily racist. " The government controls education. It controls a person's personal life. But if federal power were transferred to local authorities, the people would have control over those matters."

Sherwood says only one (1) percent of militia members are white supremacists. In his view, the federal government oppresses everyone. Whatever reforms the militia movement is able to carry out must take into account the diversity of U. S. society. Racism only allows the federal government to engage in the practice of " divide and conquer," Sherwood adds. " There are 2, 000 men enrolled in militia groups in Idaho alone. And there will be more incidents like the Oklahoma City bombing unless some changes are made."

But opponents of the militia movement say it is anything but the benign image put forth by its proponents. Forty­ five (45) of the nation's 224 militia groups have ties with white supremacist groups, according to a Klanwatch report.

Many of them stockpile weapons and ammunition and conduct military­ style field exercises. Some sell propaganda and military manuals giving instructions on how to conduct guerrilla warfare, the Klanwatch report adds. The vast majority of the members of militia groups are white males.

There are 100, 000 members of militia groups in the country, 25, 000 of whom are hard­ core white supremacists, according to the Center for Democratic Renewal. The Center is an Atlanta­ based watchdog group that monitors right­ wing extremist activities.

The very concept of the independently operating militia unit was conceived from a 1992 gathering of white supremacists in Estes Park, Colorado, the Klanwatch report continues. Stirred by Weaver incident, they hashed out the idea that small, leaderless groups could some day provoke a revolt against the federal government by engaging in random acts of violence. The most extreme, racist militias evolved out of this meeting, the report adds.

Most militia members, however, are not white supremacists. Their connections to the radical right are often more subtle. They put forward reasonable sounding ideas like distributing federal power to local authorities. They may not even be aware that such concepts have been historically used to oppress minorities, states Chip Berlet, an analyst with Political Research Associates.

" Many militia members hold views where they could easily say something like 'I have a lot of black friends, ' yet believe the Bill of Rights should be eliminated," argues Bill Wassmith, the executive director of the Northwest Coalition Against Malicious Harassment. Many of the arguments the militias make were used " to justify slavery."

The group's constant bombardment of their members with negative, conspiratorial information eventually makes them more militant, increasing the movement's size of its extremist wing over time, argues Noah Chandler, an analyst at the Center for Democratic Renewal.

The militia's movement's future is an open question. American society has changed in the past generation and right­ wing extremist politics has had to change with it. Open expression of bigotry is frowned upon. Former United Klans of America Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton summed it up best in a recent interview: " Times are changing. Society's changing. You can't have parades with Klansmen in robes anymore. You can't have Klansmen riding horses through the streets anymore. The public won't go along with it… "

The militia goes halfway. It preserves many of the old ideas of the white supremacist movement while maintaining a heterogeneous membership base. The militia movement's militarism and conspiracy theories only appeal to a small group of people. In a number of small, isolated communities, militias have had a major impact. They come to meetings armed and intimidate elected officials and even discourage some people from running for public office. Militia groups are getting better at packaging their views with issues like gun control that appeal to large numbers of people.

The militia and the white supremacist movement make mainstream politics more conservative, Chandler adds. California's Proposition 187, that would reduce the rights of immigrants, was popularized by former Klansman David Duke. Now it is seriously debated, Chandler continues.

" The Southern Poverty Law Center's Reynolds looks beyond the shores of the United States to Bosnia and Lebanon for his views of militias. Those countries are armed camps. The same thing could happen in the United States, he warns.

Section II

RESPOND

A. LEGISLATIVE RESPONSES

State Legislation

Forty states and the District of Columbia have enacted laws to recognize and penalize hate crimes, which include civil and criminal penalties for actions motivated by bias that cause damage to persons or property. 65 Ten states, including Indiana, are currently without any statutory provisions to address hate crimes. All 40 states have hate crime laws protecting race, religion, and ethnicity. Twenty­ one states have included disability as a protected class, and 20 states have included gender as a protected class. Nineteen states have added sexual orientation as a protected class.

Almost all of the states with hate crime legislation have adopted penalty enhancement provisions. 66 Penalty enhancement provisions serve to increase the penalty associated with a criminal or civil violation if it is determined that group bias was a motivating factor. In a landmark decision, the United States Supreme Court upheld Wisconsin's penalty enhancement provisions, stating that the First and Fourteenth Amendments did not prohibit penalty enhancement provisions. The Court stated, " the Wisconsin statute singles out for enhancement bias inspired conduct because this conduct is thought to inflict greater individual and societal harm." 67 The Court noted, " the State's desire to redress these perceived harms provides an adequate explanation for its penalty enhancement provision over and above mere disagreement with offenders' beliefs or biases." 68

Federal 65
The Federal government has an essential leadership role to play in confronting
criminal activity motivated by prejudice and promoting prejudice reduction initiatives for
schools and the community.

The Hate Crime Statistics Act (28 U. S. C. 534) Enacted in 1990, the HCSA requires the Justice Department to acquire data on crimes which " manifest prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity" from law enforcement agencies across the country and to publish an annual summary of the findings. In the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, Congress expanded coverage of the HCSA to require FBI reporting on crimes based on " disability."

Police officials have come to appreciate the law enforcement and community benefits of tracking hate crime and responding to it in a priority fashion. By compiling statistics and charting the geographic distribution of these crimes, police officials are positioned to discern patterns and anticipate increases in racial tensions in a given jurisdiction. Law enforcement officials can advance community­ police relations by demonstrating a commitment to be both tough on hate crime perpetrators and sensitive
to the special needs of hate crime victims.

65 " 1999 Hate Crimes Laws," The Anti­ Defamation League, New York, N. Y., 1999, p. 2.
66 Ibid.
67 Wisconsin v. Mitchell, 508 U. S. 4776 (1993)
68 Ibid.
69 " 1999 Hate Crimes Laws," Anti­ Defamation League, pp. 7­ 10. For additional information, please refer
to the Anti­ Defamation League contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 49.

The FBI documented a total of 4, 558 hate crimes in 1991, reported from almost 2,800 police departments in 32 states. The Bureau's 1992 data, released in March 1994, documented 7, 442 hate crime incidents reported from more than twice as many agencies, 6, 181 ­ representing 42 states and the District of Columbia. For 1993, the FBI reported 7, 587 hate crimes from 6, 865 agencies in 47 states and the District of Columbia. The FBI's 1994 statistics documented 5, 932 hate crimes, reported by 7,356 law enforcement agencies across the country. The FBI's 1995 report documented 7,947 crimes reported by 9,584 agencies across the country.

The FBI's most recent HCSA report, for 1996, documented 8,759 hate crimes reported by 11,355 agencies across the country. The FBI report indicated that about 63 percent of the reported hate crimes were race­ based, with 14 percent committed against individuals on the basis of their religion, 11 percent on the basis of ethnicity, and 12 percent on the basis of sexual orientation. Approximately 42 percent of the reported crimes were anti­ Black, 13 percent of the crimes were anti­ White. The 1, 109 crimes against Jews and Jewish institutions comprised almost 13 percent of the total ­ and 79 percent of the reported hate crimes based on religion. Four percent of the crimes were anti­ Asian, and just over 6 percent were anti­ Hispanic.

Despite an incomplete reporting record over the early years of the Act, the HCSA has proved to be a powerful mechanism to confront violent bigotry against individuals on the basis of their race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity ­ and a spark for increased public awareness of the problem. Studies have demonstrated that victims are more likely to report a hate crime if they know a special reporting system is in place.

The Hate Crimes Sentencing Enhancement Act Originally introduced as separate legislation by Rep. Charles Schumer (D­ NY) and Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D­ CA), this measure was enacted into law as Section 280003 of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. The provision directed the United States Sentencing Commission to provide a sentencing enhancement of " not less than 3 offense levels for offenses that the finder of fact at trial determines beyond a reasonable doubt are hate crimes." The provision defined a hate crime as " a crime in which the defendant intentionally selects a victim, or in the case of a property crime, intentionally selects the property, because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ethnicity, gender, disability, or sexual orientation of any person." This measure, the Federal counterpart for state hate crime penalty­ enhancement statutes, applies, inter alia, to attacks and vandalism which occur in national parks and on other Federal property.

In May 1995, the United States Sentencing Commission announced its implementation of a three­ level sentencing guidelines increase for hate crimes, as directed by Congress. This amendment took effect on November 1, 1995. The Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (42 U. S. C. 1398 1)
In September of 1994, the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (VAWA), which is comprehensive legislation that addresses the increasing problem of violent crime against women, was passed by Congress. This law provides authority for domestic violence and rape crisis centers and for education and training programs for law enforcement and prosecutors. Under VAWA, " ( a) ll persons within the United States shall have the right to be free from crimes of violence motivated by gender." One provision of VAWA is a new Federal civil remedy for victims of gender­ based violent crimes, which provides them with the right to compensatory and punitive damage awards as well as injunctive relief.

The Church Arsons Prevention Act (18 U. S. C. 247)
The disturbing series of attacks against houses of worship in recent years has had a searing impact on the nation and served as another graphic reminder that America's long struggle against racial and religious intolerance is far from over. Law enforcement investigators and private watchdog groups, like the ADL, have seen no indication that these attacks are part of a national conspiracy of domestic terrorism directed by organized hate [extremist] groups, however we should not be comforted by this fact. Hate activity predominantly may not result from a conspiracy, but rather hate activity does reflect that many individuals, in different parts of the country, at different times, and too often inspired by hate, act independently to commit these crimes.

According to Justice Department officials, from January 1, 1995, to August 18, 1998, DOJ has opened 658 investigations of suspicious fires, bombings, and attempted bombings, and has made arrests in 225 of these incidents ­ involving 301 subjects. Of the 658 attacks directed against houses of worship, 220 were predominately African American institutions. Of the 301 persons arrested for these crimes, 44 have been African Americans, and 117 have been juveniles.

The Church Arsons Prevention Act, sponsored by Sens. Lauch Faircloth (R­ NC) and Edward Kennedy (D­ MA), and, in the House, by Reps. Henry Hyde (R­ IL) and John Conyers (D­ MI), was originally designed solely to facilitate Federal investigations and prosecutions of these crimes by amending 18 U. S. C. §247, a statute enacted by Congress in 1988 to provide Federal jurisdiction for religious vandalism cases in which the destruction exceeds $10, 000. Hearings were held on both the impact of these crimes and the appropriate response of government. Federal prosecutors testified that the statute's restrictive interstate commerce requirement and its relatively significant damages threshold had been obstacles to federal prosecutions.

Following the hearings, Congress found that " [ t] he incidence of arson of places of religious worship has recently increased, especially in the context of places of religious worship that serve predominately African­ American congregations." Legislators appropriately recognized that the nation's response to the rash of arsons should be more ambitious and comprehensive than mere efforts to ensure swift and sure punishment for the perpetrators.

In an example of bi­ partisanship, both the House and the Senate unanimously approved legislation which broadened existing Federal criminal jurisdiction and facilitated criminal prosecutions for attacks against houses of worship, increased penalties for these crimes, established a loan guarantee recovery fund for rebuilding, and authorized additional personnel for the ATF, the FBI, Justice Department prosecutors, and the Justice Department's Community Relations Service to 'investigate, prevent, and respond' to these incidents. Recognizing that data collection efforts complement criminal prosecutions of hate crime offenders, Congress included a continuing mandate for the HCSA.

The Hate Crimes Prevention Act (HCPA):
Expanding the Justice Department's Criminal Civil Rights Jurisdiction

The HCPA, sponsored by Sens. Kennedy (D­ MA), Specter (R­ PA), and Wyden (D­ OR), and by Reps. Schumer (D­ NY), and McCollum (R­ FL), would amend Section 245 of Title 18 U. S. C., one of the primary statutes used to combat racial and religious bias­ motivated violence. The current statute prohibits intentional interference, by force or threat of force, with the enjoyment of a Federal right or benefit (such as voting, going to school, or employment) on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin. Under the current statute, the government must prove both that the crime occurred because of a person's membership in a protected group, such as race or religion, and because (not while) he or she was engaging in a federally­ protected activity.

In its current form, the statute leaves federal prosecutors powerless to intervene in bias­ motivated crimes when they cannot establish the victim's involvement in a federally­ protected activity. Nor can federal authorities step in to act in cases involving death or serious bodily injury based on sexual orientation, gender, or disability­ based bias when local law enforcement is not available. While states continue to play the primary role in the prosecution of bias­ motivated violence, the federal government must have jurisdiction to address those limited cases in which local authorities are either unable or unwilling to investigate and prosecute.

The legislation, which has attracted the support of a broad range of national civil rights groups, state and local government associations, and law enforcement organizations, would amend 18 U. S. C. §245 in two ways: first, it would provide new authority for federal officials to investigate and prosecute cases in which the bias violence occurs because of the victim's real or perceived sexual orientation, gender, or disability. Secondly, the measure would remove the overly restrictive obstacles to federal involvement by permitting prosecutions without requiring proof that the victim was attacked because he or she was engaged in a federally­ protected activity.

B. INDIVIDUAL Responses 70

70 Adapted and expanded from a publication of the New York City Gay and Lesbian Anti­ Violence Project

What you should do if you are a victim of a hate crime 70 All hate incidents are specific and you must use your own judgment in regard to your own individual action plan; however, here are some suggestions that might prove useful.

! If you are assaulted or attacked, call 911 and seek medical attention.
You should seek medical attention even if you do not believe you are seriously
injured.

! Report the incident to the police.
You should report a hate crime incident as soon as possible to your state and local
police. The emergency number of the state police is 800/ 582­ 8440 or in Indianapolis
call 897­ 6220.

! Report all hate crimes to the FBI. (See the resource section of this manual for
contact information.)

! Document the hate crime.
Document specific details, photograph visible signs of the incident (such as injuries, vandal